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‘The proscription of the PKK remains an obstacle to the peace process’

Admin — Sun, 19 May 2013 17:01:21 +0000

This artical has written by Dr. Vicki Sentas for Kurdistan Report Magazine (Nr. 167 May- July 2013) which is published every two months in Germany.

THE VIOLENCE OF PROSCRIPTION: THE UK’S BAN ON THE PKK AND ITS EFFECT ON THE PEACE PROCESS

By Dr. Vicki Sentas, Campaign Against Criminalising Communities (CAMPACC)

Again, it is hoped that a political settlement of the Kurdish question might be possible. The PKK’s 9^th unilateral ceasefire of March 2013 revisits complex questions about where the barriers lie to the lasting transformation of the conflict into a political negotiation. The PKK anticipates withdrawal from Turkish territory in order to facilitate resolution of substantive claims. In the past this has faltered on legitimate grounds that Turkey first enacts good faith reforms recognising Kurdish rights. Now, it is reported that the PKK anticipate withdrawal so long as parliament enacts a commission to enforce conditions of security for the PKK and to guarantee future negotiations. The PKK’s 1999 withdrawal ended in the ambush and killing of its retreating fighters by the Turkish military and a return to hostilities. The PKK have made major concessions and in turn rightly seek a political and legal basis to govern Turkey’s reciprocity to enable negotiations in accordance with the Oslo Process.

But it is precisely the PKK’s call for political status which clashes with another ‘legal’ and political formation which structures the Kurdish conflict– global counter-terrorism. The lack of political will by the Turkish state to date in taking steps required to transform the conflict represent complex, multifaceted obstacles. The interplay of factors sabotaging Turkey’s gestures of a ‘democratic opening’ is not considered here. But underlying the obstacles presented by deep state and other ‘hawkish’ forces remains the construction of the PKK as a terrorist organisation, without recognisable claims or recourse to any form of legitimate political violence against military targets (as understood in international law). The international community has had an integral role in preserving Turkey’s counter-terrorism strategies to militarily annihilate the PKK. The proscription of the PKK as a terrorist organisation by the United Nations, the European Union, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada and Australia remains an obstacle to the peace process. I briefly consider how proscription has undermined the PKKs political status by designating it as a terrorist entity, with specific focus on the United Kingdom.

The British state has been banning ‘terrorist’ organisations since the 1998 listing of the IRA. As well as the PKK, there are 41 militant non-state actors banned in the UK. Many of these organisations are engaged in armed struggle in self-defence against repressive regimes and are engaged in political claims for statehood, regional autonomy or basic ethno-cultural rights; for example, the Baluch, Palestinians, Tamils, Basque, amongst other peoples. Proscription is not simply a domestic harm which inflicts criminalisation on Kurdish residents and citizens of the UK. Banning organisations is a tool of British foreign policy which functions as a systemic state violence in three additional key ways: firstly by denying the application of international law and principles of self-determination; secondly, by foreclosing opportunities for peaceful settlement of conflict; and thirdly by legitimating and facilitating Turkish state terror against the Kurds.

In so far as proscription makes no distinction between armed conflicts and terrorism, it denies those targeted fundamental legal rights and protections relating to self-determination. In armed conflict, breaches of the laws of war such as killing civilians are regulated by international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions. Proscription criminalises an organisation and any individuals associated with that organisation. Proscription does not, and cannot regulate the horrors of war and the atrocities that are committed by both sides to a conflict. Instead, by transforming non-state actors into apriori terrorists, proscription by the UK functions to valorise the state terror of others as ‘counter-terrorism’ and deny the right to resist state violence and exercise self-determination. This effect has been described by international law theorist Antonio Cassese (1991), as institutionalised violence. Mark Muller QC discusses in detail the ways in which this institutionalised violence functions. Proscription has completely undermined the principle which prohibits the use of military force by oppressive states to suppress lawful self determination. Proscription has also delegitimated the license to use military force as a last resort as defence against oppressive regimes by peoples seeking self determination. Lastly, proscription has fundamentally reversed the principle that prohibits third states from supporting oppressive states in denying their right to self determination (Muller 2008).

Britain undermines the principle of self-determination by criminalising diverse forms of solidarity for armed resistance against oppressive regimes. The UK Terrorism Act 2000 makes it an offence to ‘belong’ to, or fundraise for, a listed organisation. The Act also makes it illegal to wear or carry any item that would give rise to a reasonable suspicion that you support the organisation. Inviting any sort of support for an organisation (including non-material support) is criminalised. Helping to manage or arrange a meeting of three or more people which supports the organisation, or helps further its activities, or is addressed by a member of the organisation is also an offence.

There have been two prosecutions of Kurds in the UK in relation to the proscription of the PKK, both of which failed. On 16 March 2002, four Kurds travelling to France to participate in a peaceful Kurdish convey to the Turkish border, were arrested at Dover. They were carrying $20 000 in contribution to the costs of the convoy, collected from the UK Kurdish communities. The men were detained at Belmarsh Prison for 9 months, and prosecuted under the Terrorism Act 2000 for providing support and funding to the PKK. The Court acquitted the defendants in November 2002. In March 2003 Gultekin Onur and Soner Koyuncu from the Halkevi Centre were detained in Preston for 2 months on charges that funds they raised for Kurdish TV were for terrorist purposes. The judge dismissed the case for lack of evidence.

Proscription however largely polices Kurds in the UK informally and without prosecution. The UK positions itself ‘at the forefront of EU member States’ action against the PKK’ and that it is ‘very active’ in targeting PKK supporters (FCO 2011 para 25). The Home Office identifies disruption, rather than prosecution, as the key object of the proscription regime. Kurdish activists are routinely harassed by police and intelligence agencies in the UK without charge, often as part of coordinated operations targeting Kurds across Europe. For example in a coordination harassment of at least 16 Kurds in the space of a month in 2011, Kurds were sent the message that their fundraising for charities, campaign work and their organising in community centres should stop, or face deportation or charges. In the absence of any evidence that any one had broken the law, state threats seek to silence politics. Rather than recognise the importance of the diaspora in creating the political conditions which will help transform the conflict, proscription laws criminalise activists because such work is understood to ‘legitimate’ the PKK and therefore such work can only logically support violence. Despite the sustained efforts of the Kurdish movement towards peace, terrorist bans impose a dystopian militarised end.

The horrific events in Sri Lanka in May 2009 where tens of thousands of Tamil civilians were killed by Sri Lankan troops in the annihilation of the LTTE were aided by the international communities banning of the LTTE as terrorist. The Permanent People’s Tribunal on Sri Lanka found that in listing the LTTE as a terrorist organisation, the EU engaged in conduct which undermined the 2002 ceasefire agreement, ‘in spite of being aware of the detrimental consequences to a peace process in the making’ (Permanent People’s Tribunal, 2010: 12). After the listing of the LTTE by the EU, and then the UK, Sri Lanka increased its military offensive against the LTTE. While the causes for the breakdown of the ceasefire are complex and multifaceted, proscription of the LTTE by the international community played a key role in the return to war.

The UK denies that its proscription of the PKK escalates military conflict. In a response to submissions made by the KNK to de-list the PKK in 2009, Former Home Secretary Alan Johnson stated that the banning of the PKK has had absolutely no impact on its inclusion in negotiations for peace. A key factor in this escalation has been the refusal by Turkey to enter into talks with the PKK for peaceful resolution on the grounds that they are a terrorist organisation. Instead, in the name of ‘counter-terrorism’ Kurdish parliamentary parties have been banned, and thousands of Kurdish politicians, activists, journalists and lawyers arrested and imprisoned since the announcement of the democratic initiative. Thousands of Kurdish children have been arrested and imprisoned in adult prisons for ‘supporting’ terrorism, by either throwing stones or simply being in the vicinity of a pro-Kurdish demonstration. The nature and extent of repressions and violent assimilations cannot be detailed here. There remains however, either little or no public recognition in reports by either the UK and EU of the escalated repression of the Kurds. Finding all avenues for political dialogue closed off, the PKK called off its unilateral ceasefire in June 2010.

The denial of political status for the PKK illustrates how proscription by Western states legitimates and extends Turkish state terror against the Kurdish people. Proscription of the PKK by the G8 states directly supports Turkey’s strategy of non-negotiation (or, highly restrictive and conditional negotiation) with the PKK. Instead, the labelling of the PKK as terrorist by the international community allows Turkey to escalate repression against the Kurds as part of its ‘war on terror’. More broadly, the proscription regime as it is constituted globally means that G8 states claiming democratic credentials give impetus to state violence by less powerful nations. Proscription creates an international atmosphere in which some states are empowered to use more repressive tactics against movements for self-determination. The British state, among other states who proscribe armed conflict, deserves sustained attention for culpability in repressing Kurds in the diaspora and in legitimating and therefore extending state violence in Turkey.

References

Cassese, A. (1991), ‘Violence, War, and the Rule of Law in the International Community’ Held, D. (Ed) Political Theory Today, Polity Press, Cambridge.

Foreign Commonwealth Office (2011)

Muller M. (2008), ‘Terrorism, Proscription and the Right to Resist in the Age of Conflict’ KHRP Legal Review, 14, pp 47–64.

Permanent People’s Tribunal. (2010), Tribunal on Sri Lanka 14-16 January 2010.

The Peace Process in south Africa and Turkey

Admin — Sun, 19 May 2013 16:44:36 +0000

This artical has written by Essa Moosa for Kurdistan Report Magazine (Nr. 167 May- July 2013) which is published every two months in Germany.

THE PEACE PROCESS IN SOUTH AFRICA FROM APARTHEID TO DEMOCRACY AND A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE PEACE PROCESS UNFOLDING IN TURKEY BETWEEN THE TURKISH GOVERNMENT AND KURDISH LEADER, ABDULLAH OCALAN

BY ESSA MOOSA A crucial point of departure is a prophetic statement made by Nelson Mandela from the dock during his treason trial in 1964 in which he faced the death penalty. The statement is as follows: “During my lifetime, I have dedicated myself to the struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and achieve. But, if need be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die for.” It is the same ideal which Abdullah Ocalan cherished and hoped to live for and achieve. But he, like Mandela, was sentenced to life imprisonment for treason and is serving his sentence on Imrali Island , similar to Robben Island where Mandela served a major portion of his sentence. Mandela initiated talks between the apartheid government and himself as the representative of the African National Congress (ANC) while he was in prison. The ANC was banned at the time and had its head-office in Lusaka, Zambia. Mandela reported to the exiled leaders of the ANC through the medium of his wife, Winnie Mandela who visited him in prison from time to time and at times through his lawyers who visited him on occasions. The ANC in turn got its message to Mandela via Ms Mandela or his lawyers or foreign visitors who visited him from time to time. Before visiting Mandela, these foreign visitors would make a stop- over in Lusaka to consult the leadership of the ANC. The supporters of the ANC in South Africa were concerned that the Apartheid government would get Mandela to make concessions to them which might not be acceptable to his supporters both in the country and abroad. Mandela reassured his followers that he would not compromise their demand for a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic state. He indicated, in no uncertain terms, that he is not negotiating on behalf of the ANC, he is merely holding talks with the government to clear the way for negotiations between the apartheid government and the ANC. On 13 December 1989, Mandela was taken to meet President De Klerk. Mandela handed De Klerk an updated version of his Road Map to Peace, which essentially embodied minutes of the various meetings he had with officials of the state. Their encounter culminated in a defining moment in the history of South Africa when De Klerk, on 2 February 1990, made a historic announcement in Parliament that he was releasing Mandela and other political prisoners unconditionally. He also announced that he was unbanning all political organisations; that he was introducing measures to permit political exiles to return home; that he was lifting the state of emergency and that he was going to create the necessary legal space to enable political discourse to take place between the government, the ANC and other political parties. After the release of Mandela and other political prisoners and after the unbanning of all the political parties, two Peace Committees were set up. The one, representing the anti-apartheid forces, was led by Mandela and the one, representing the apartheid forces, was led by De Klerk. The first meeting of the Peace Committees was held on 4 May 1990. At such meeting the parties committed themselves to the suspension of hostilities and the finding of a peaceful, political solution to the conflict through dialogue and negotiations. They agreed to create the necessary climate for the suspension of the hostilities and the negotiation process. A joint working group was established to make recommendations on: (a) what constitutes a political offence in the South African context; (b) timeframes for the release of all political prisoners; and (c) norms and mechanisms for dealing with the release of political prisoners and the granting of immunity in respect of political offences committed by those both inside and outside the country. The De Klerk government agreed to consider urgently the question of granting immunity from prosecution to members of the National Executive Committee of the ANC and other selected members from both outside and inside the country to enable them to assist in bringing an end to the hostilities and take part in the negotiations. It also undertook to review the existing security legislation to ensure that normal political activities could be conducted. The second meeting of the Peace Committees was held on 6 August 1990. At this meeting the parties agreed to accept the recommendations of the Joint Working Group with regard to the release of political prisoners, indemnity from prosecution to combatants and members of the ANC and other liberations movements, and mechanisms and time- frames for the implementation of such programmes. At this meeting the ANC unilaterally announced the suspension of the armed struggle with immediate effect. Both parties reaffirmed their commitment to bring about a peaceful solution to the political conflict as soon as possible. The government committed itself to give immediate consideration to repealing certain provisions of the Internal Security Act to allow everyone to take part in free political activity. The parties at the meeting issued the following statement: “That what we have agreed upon today can become a milestone on the road to true peace and prosperity for our country. …………The way is now open to proceed towards negotiation for a new constitution.” In December 1991 the multi-party Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA), which represented parliamentary and extra-parliamentary political parties, convened to negotiate a new democratic constitution for South Africa. While the negotiations were going on, the right wing and elements within the South African security establishments tried to scuttle the peaceful transformation of the country from apartheid to democracy. Violence was perpetrated against the black community in the various townships. A series of political assassinations of anti-apartheid activists were carried out. There was evidence of police, military and right wing involvement in these unlawful activities. In June 1992 Mandela suspended the negotiations and called upon De Klerk to stop the violence and prosecute those responsible. A judicial commission appointed to investigate these attacks and assassinations found that certain high-ranking officers in the military establishment were involved in covert operations to undermine the ANC and the negotiations. As a result of the findings De Klerk dismissed 23 of these military officers. The official talks resumed in March 1993. On 10 April 1993 a very popular and charismatic leader of the ANC, Chris Hani, was assassinated by the right wing with the complicity of a right- wing member of Parliament. This plunged the country on the brink of a disaster and the talks on the verge of collapse. Mandela had to appeal to his supporters for calm and restraint in order to defuse a civil war. These incidents brought home to the negotiating parties the urgent need to make the talks to succeed. This in turn spurred on the parties to make concessions and comprises to reach consensus on certain controversial issues. The parties agreed to an interim democratic constitution, which was legislated through the apartheid Parliament. In terms of the Interim Constitution, the first democratic elections based on universal suffrage were held in April 1994. The elections swept the ANC to power with almost a two-thirds majority. The majority of the people of the country sighed with relief that they had reached a new political landscape – one underpinned by democracy, dignity, freedom and equality. The final Constitution which was crafted by the Constituent Assembly substantially on the basis of the Interim Constitution was adopted by the South African democratic Parliament in 1996. For the first time in the history of South Africa all the people of the country, both black and white, exercised their right to self-determination and in the process transformed South Africa from apartheid to democracy. The Interim Constitution negotiated between the apartheid government and the liberation movements provided for the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to “bridge the gap between the past of a deeply divided society characterised by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful co-existence for all South Africans.” The purpose of the TRC was to establish the truth of the past gross human rights violations, facilitating the granting of amnesty to persons who told the truth, establishing the fate or whereabouts of victims and recommending reparations for such victims. There are divided opinions whether the TRC served its objective. The majority of those that committed gross human rights violations refused to approach or co-operate with the commission. They got away with their crimes because the state could not produce evidence and witnesses to prosecute them. Before the transformation from apartheid to democracy, the security forces had destroyed and shredded incriminating records of their activities and involvement in illegal and criminal conduct. The victims were also disappointed with the outcome of the TRC so few perpetrators participated in the TRC and the reparations were inadequate for the level of suffering, trauma and loss. The Turkish and Kurdish people must decide for themselves whether they want a truth commission and, if so, what form such commission shall take. There is no one model which fits all. On the one hand, one must guard against the mechanism of the truth commission creating greater rifts and divisions between the parties. On the other hand, one can’t lose sight of the fact that mothers would like to know what happened to their loved ones who were arrested or abducted and disappeared. If they are still alive, they would want to know their whereabouts or if they are dead, they would like to know where their remains are so that they could be given a dignified burial. The mothers will not rest until they find out the truth which, in turn, will give them a closure of the matter. It is common cause that, like Mandela, Ocalan initiated “talks about talks” from his prison cell and like Mandela who handed the South African government the “Road Map to Peace”, Ocalan handed the Turkish government the “Road Map to Negotiations”. Mandela had a series of talks, while in prison, with the South African National Intelligence Services (NIS). Similarly, Ocalan had a series of talks with the Turkish Intelligence Services (MIT). Senior members of the ANC had talks with senior officials of NIS in Lucerne Switzerland while senior members of the PKK had talks with senior officials of MIT in Oslo. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has tacitly agreed to a three stage process: the first is the withdrawal of the armed combatants of PKK from the borders of Turkey and disarmament; the second is the political management of the negotiating process; thirdly the return to and the re-integration within society of the PKK combatants and political exiles who wish to return and the normalisation of the situation. The normalisation will include a number of measures such as the granting of amnesty to political detainees and prisoners and political activists in exile; release of all political prisoners including Ocalan; and the adoption of new democratic Constitution with a presidential system in which executive powers would be vested in the President of Turkey. Erdogan has formally taken charge of the political process for the peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue in Turkey. Ocalan, like De Klerk, took a calculated risk by ordering PKK, on or about the 13^th of March 2013, to released 8 prisoners of war held by it; by announcing, on the 21^st of March 2, a truce or cease-fire despite the fact that there was no formal agreement with Erdogan; by calling on the armed combatants of PKK, within the borders of Turkey, to retreat to their bases outside the country. It also appears that Erdogan has taken reciprocal steps to implement parallel measures for the peace process: he has tacitly agreed firstly, to permit the combatants to leave the country without intercepting them; secondly, to implement the peace process by introducing reforms to recognise the identity of the Kurdish people by acknowledging the right to speak their mother-tongue in public and in court proceedings which were hitherto prohibited; thirdly, that Erdogan has permitted the BDP party to act as interlocutor between the government and Ocalan; fourthly, that legislation is currently being drafted to amend articles in the criminal code, the anti-terrorism law and the media law to bring it in line with international standards; fifthly, that Erdogan has established the “Wise Men Commission” comprising influential members of civil society, from all walks of life, to monitor and report on the cease-fire and the peace process; and sixthly, that Erdogan has established a Parliamentary Constitutional Reconciliation Commission comprising members of all the political parties to draft a new democratic and civilian constitution for the country. In order to solve the Kurdish question in Turkey and to bring the Constitution in line with international democratic standards, it is imperative that the new Turkish democratic and civilian Constitution includes the following constitutional principles: a democratic system of government embracing a multi- party democracy; regular elections based on universal adult franchise on the principle of one-person-one-vote; an entrenched and justiciable bill of rights, which shall acknowledge and protect diversity of cultures, languages and religions and provide for the recognition and protection of organs of civil society including political, cultural and religious associations and for the right of its citizens to be educated in their mother-tongue; for the participation of minority political parties in the legislative process in a manner consistent with democracy; there shall be separation of powers between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary; the judiciary shall be independent and impartial and shall be entrusted with the task of protecting and enforcing the constitution and the fundamental human rights; all levels of government, including the security forces shall be accountable to the political head of the executive who, in turn, shall be responsible to the President and he or she shall be answerable to Parliament; and any amendment to the constitution shall require special procedures involving special majorities. I have no doubt that with the adoption of a Constitution embodying the above principles, Turkey could take its rightful place amongst sovereign and democratic nation of the world. It could also qualify for accession to the European Union in terms of the accession criteria more particularly set out in the Copenhagen Declaration.

“Democratic liberation and solution” tent in Dersim visited by hundreds

Admin — Sun, 19 May 2013 16:23:39 +0000

Democratic Free Women's Movement (DÖKH) put up a "Democratic liberation and solution" tent at Seyit Rıza Square of Dersim to inform the public about the "resolution process" and to discuss the process of "withdrawal" of HPG (People's Defense Forces) guerrillas across Turkish borders as of 8 May.

Posters of Sakine Cansız, a co-founder of PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), Fidan Doğan, KNK (Kurdistan National Congress) Paris representative, and Leyla Şaylemez, member of the Kurdish youth movement, were also hanged in the area of the tent which is visited by hundreds of people every day.

Speaking here, Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) Batman deputy Ayla Akat stated that Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan's liberation was the primary demand of the Kurdish people in the ongoing process of talks aimed at a democratic solution to the Kurdish question. Akat stated that Kurds also demanded the recognition of all ethnic identities, religions and beliefs by an equalitarian constitution.

Members of Peace Mothers Initiative from Amed and Istanbul have also arrived in Dersim to join the vigil at the "Democratic liberation and solution" tent in Dersim.

Mothers visited the grave of Sakine Cansız who was buried in her hometown Dersim after being brought from Paris where she was executed on 9 January together with Doğan and Şaylemez. Mothers lamented for Cansız and lit candles near her grave.

Mothers also visited the graves of HPG (People's Defense Forces) guerrillas buried in the same cemetery.

Source: ANF, Dersim

TEV-ÇAND released the final resolution of its fourth conference

Admin — Sun, 19 May 2013 16:06:12 +0000

The Mesopotamian Movement for Democratic Culture and Art in Europe (TEV-ÇAND) released the final resolution of its fourth conference which took place in the German city of Düsseldorf on 11-12 May and saw the participation of delegates and guests from various countries.

The final declaration pointed out that the conference had been organized in the process of the "democratic political struggle" Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan initiated on 21 March, in Newroz in Amed. “The conference handled the duties to be fulfilled in the areas of culture and art within the process of the construction of democratic liberation and free life. Deficiencies in these fields were determined and decisions were made as to what needs to be done in the coming period”, it said .

Underlining that “the cultural values of a society are sacred and are aimed to reach the truth”, the declaration said that the dominant system of today however aims to commodify these sacred values and offers instead a life without conscience, moral and sense of community. It said that the popular culture targeted the sacred values of societies and therefore meant a cultural massacre. “Tev-Çand activities are based on being organized against the consumption of cultural and moral values by the capitalist modernity that imposes policies of massacre on our culture and art”, it said.

The declaration remarked that laborers of Tev-Çand had a significant responsibility in building a democratic, ecologic and gender-equalitarian system, enlightening the society against negative effects of the dominant system as well as defending, protecting and improving the folk art.

It noted that “in the conference, all artists have been called on to take place in the councils for culture and art and to refuse to stand by other artists who have no relation and connection with the public and fail to fulfill their responsibilities for the people”.

The final declaration of the conference pointed out that artists in the fields of culture and art are a part of the people's struggle, and that the Kurdish cultural and artistic associations have been established in line with the aims and needs of the Kurdish struggle. It said that “Artists are responsible for keeping our values alive in the face of the cultural massacre, and dressing the mentality and conscience of the society with social sacred values. This is the reason why the relationship between associations and artists is grounded on principles, organization and labor”.

It also noted that Kurdish artists should see it as a responsibility to perform works aimed at handing down the struggle given by the Kurdish leader, fighters and people to the next generations. “Our leader and our martyrs, thanks to whom the Kurdish people have come to these days, are what we need to put the primary emphasis on”, it underlined.

The declaration said the conference also laid stress on deficiencies in the Kurdish theater and cinema and ended with a decision to improve the present works and organizations in these fields.

Calling for participation in the process of the construction of a free life, the declaration said that “it was decided in the conference to ensure a stance siding with communal values of democratic modernity against the perspective of the capitalist modernity that Kurdish culture and art is facing today. The European Tev-Çand Council which has been formed in the conference, consisting of 21 members, will be representing the cultural-artistic councils and organizations across Europe. This is at the same time a step by our artists aimed at serving the construction of democratic liberation and a free life led by our leader and people who have been struggling for 40 years now”.

The declaration ended by calling on all workers of Kurdish culture and art to join the artists' movement for the construction of a free life.

Source: ANF, Düsseldorf

Filmamed begun and dedicated to Sakine, Fidan and Leyla

Admin — Sun, 19 May 2013 15:59:23 +0000

The third edition of Filmamed Documentary Film Festival opened on Saturday in Diyarbakır. The festival is dedicated to Sakine Cansız, a co-founder of PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), Fidan Doğan, KNK (Kurdistan National Congress) Paris representative, and Leyla Şaylemez, member of the Kurdish youth movement, who were killed in the French capital Paris on 9 January.

The festival begun on Saturday and will run until 25 May. It is organized by Kayapınar Municipality's Cegerxwin Youth and Cultural Center and the Association of Middle East Cinema Academy.

Speaking about the film festival, its coordinator Haşim Aydemir said that they would make a positive discrimination to women in this year's festival for it has been dedicated to women. “We are attaching a particular importance to the movies on women's struggle and to the movies by woman film makers, especially is countering the dominant male perspective in cinema across the world. The positive discrimination for women will also be present in the debates: woman film makers will discuss the “women in cinema”.

Calling attention to the festival's importance for the people, Aydemir said that “The events of this year's festival are of importance for the institutionalization of the festival which we see as an alternative and independent event that aims to enable people to reach the movies that are not displayed in other festivals across the country. It is also of importance in terms of conveying cultural, artistic and social values to the people and creating a social memory for the people of Kurdistan and other peoples, paving the way for their production of their own movies”. Aydemir remarked that the festival also aimed to contribute to the Kurdish cinema by bringing Kurdish film makers from different countries together.

Aydemir said 17 movies and 25 documentary films will meet the audience in this year's festival, noting that the interest in the festival was growing every year.

He added that the movies will be displayed at Cegerxwin Youth and Cultural Center and the European Cinema hall in Galeria.

Source: ANF, Amed/Diyarbakır

HPG: Area of Oremar bombed by Turkish army

Admin — Sat, 18 May 2013 21:47:32 +0000

People's Defense Forces Press Office HPG-BIM said in a written statement that Turkish army carried out a bombardment with howitzer and mortars, targeting the areas of Oremar and Martyr Karker Hills in Hakkari's Yüksekova district on 17 May.

HPG-BİM remarked that the region of Gare in Hakkari was also bombed by Turkish warplanes in the same day.

According to HPG-BIM,Turkish reconnaissance airplanes have been flying over the areas of Küçük Cilo, Samuray and Büyük Gare for the last three days.

Source: ANF, Hakkari

London Kurdish Film Festival invites directors to submit their works

Admin — Sat, 18 May 2013 21:25:32 +0000

The 8th London Kurdish Film Festival will be held in London in 2013 from 15th-24th November. The main venue for the festival will be the Picture House Hackney.

The festival organising committee has invited all Kurdish and non-Kurdish directors who have made films about the Kurdish people or Kurdish issues to submit their work for possible inclusion in this year’s festival programme.

The LKFF accepts feature, documentary and short films with English subtitles for the selection process and show films in many formats (including digital, 3D, satellite, 35mm, HD, Mini DV, DVD etc).

The deadline is 31 July 2013. More information and the application to fill can be found on

http://www.lkff.co.uk/

Source: ANF, London

162 women killed by men since March 2012

Admin — Sat, 18 May 2013 12:20:42 +0000

The number of women who requested and benefited from police protection rose on average by 36 percent every month, following the implementation of "Family Protection and Prevention of Violence Against Women" Act in March 2012.

A compilation made by bianet and based on reports in local and national newspapers and news agencies, revealed that men killed 162 women since the implementation of the act in March 2012.

Twentysix of these murders were committed despite court restraining orders or filed complaints.

According to statistics released by Ministry of Family and Social Policies, 11,478 women has so far benefited from police protection under the "Family Protection and Prevention of Violence Against Women" Act.

Ratified on March 8, 2012 the act was implemented on March 20, 2012. Following the implementation, some of the media coverage included:

* In the first 7 months 4,500 women benefited from police protection and 29,000 women were put on the caution list.

* In the first 9 months the number of women who benefited from police protection rose to 6,764 and 50,182 women were put on the caution list.

* In the first 12 months the number of women who benefited from police protection rose to 8,908 and 64,136 were put on the caution list.

* In the first 13 months 11,478 women benefited from police protection.

From October 2012 to May 2013 the number of women who benefited from police protection rose by 36 percent averagely per month.

Source: ANF, News Desk

Three places witnessed massacres: Lice, Paris, Reyhanlı

Admin — Sat, 18 May 2013 12:04:03 +0000

First of all let me explain why I mention the names of Lice, Paris and Reyhanlı together: these three places witnessed massacres in the last day of 2012 and the beginning of 2013. We need to remember and make something out these massacres once again now, given the fact that they should be seen as attempts aimed to sabotage the process of democratic solution for the Kurdish question initiated by Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan.

We know that Öcalan proposed a solution to last year's hunger strikes which could have led to deaths and a great chaos. Authorities of the Turkish state had started talks with Öcalan in Imralı prison as of the autumn of 2012. The news of talks taking place was not shared with the public opinion but various circles inside the state already knew about it. Despite this process, the Turkish army launched an operation against Kurdish guerrillas who were inactive at that time. One of the areas targeted in this operation was the region of Lice where -let's remember- HPG (People's Defense Forces) Amed Regional Command Numan Amed and his nine comrades were killed as a result of an attack targeting a group of guerrillas deploying for the winter.

This massacre lead to great anger on the side of the people of Kurdistan, in Amed in particular. An interesting development took place on 3 January 2013 when DTK (Democratic Society Congress) co-chair Ahmet Türk and BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) Batman deputy Ayla Akat Ata visited Öcalan in İmralı. The publication of news of the meeting in the press didn't interrupt the process.

The second BDP delegation was being expected to pay another visit to İmralı when we heard a terrifying news coming from Paris on 9 January 2013: Sakine Cansız, a co-founder of PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party), Fidan Doğan, KNK (Kurdistan National Congress) Paris representative, and Leyla Şaylemez, member of the Kurdish youth movement had been killed. It was a very critical phase. Öcalan commented these killings as another Dersim massacre targeting himself. Tension was high.

The anger of Kurds multiplied. The veil of mystery behind the massacre yet remains unlifted with Paris and Ankara still standing before us as the two main suspects. These killings however didn't stop the İmralı process, but on the contrary gave new impulse to the process. Delegations held meetings in İmralı, Kandil, Ankara and Europe. The historic Newroz was followed by the PKK truce on 23 March and the withdrawal of guerrillas as of 8 May.

Then we heard about the massacre in Reyhanlı right when progresses were registered in the first phase of a process for the achievement of a democratic solution to the Kurdish question. Two blasts in the district left more than 50 people dead and over a hundred injured on 11 May 2013.

The attack in Reyhanlı was analysed from two different points of view: with a look at the AKP government's Syrian policy on one side, and pointing out a flaw in intelligence within MİT's (National Intelligence Service) and the consequent failure to prevent the attacks. Supporters of the latter vision deserve more attention, because Hakan Fidan [MIT head] was targeted at the time of the so-called Oslo talks [between PKK officials and MIT] and now appears to be targeted once again. In a report published by Bugün daily, close to the government and grounding its news on police intelligence, on 15 May 2013 it's written that Minister of Justice, Sadullah Ergin, was supposed to be in Reyhanlı on 11 May, and that he had survived the attack by rescheduling his meeting with the AKP in Hatay for the day before the blast. It has to be said that the news has not been confirmed by at the same time it should be worth it to research into it. The target of the attacks, according to the news, seems to be the so called İmralı process.

The connection between these three incidents is not very visible but it needs to be researched. Comments and developments we have witnessed after these massacres show who did what and who intended to do what. We are supposed to see the fact that the powers wanting to sabotage the process from “inside” are now planning to put this in pratice through regional provocations, opening themselves more and more to “outside” every day. What this means is, those intending to sabotage this process have plans A,B,C,D,E and the addresses are very much in the open, aren't they?

* Source: Baki Gül, Özgur Politika

Clash in Sheikh Maksoud: 10 Syrian soldiers killed

Admin — Sat, 18 May 2013 11:27:27 +0000

Ten soldiers of the Syrian army were killed in severe clashes with People's Defense Forces (YPG) groups in the mainly Kurdish neighborhood of Sheikh Maksoud on Thursday. According to a written statement by YPG Press Office, clashes in the neighborhood broke out as the armed forces of the Baath regime launched an attack from the points of Al Jazeera and Al Ewarid in order to enter the neighborhood. Sixteen soldiers had been killed in clashes between YPG figters and Syrian military in the same region on 16 May. Source: ANF, Aleppo